本文旨在探討五個福建閩方言代表點音節內部的鼻音分布模式。閩語方言音節內部的鼻音分布歧異度高，且鼻音徵性[nasal]的擴散模式也各有所異，然而文獻對此議題卻少有論述。因此，本文以串行優選論（或稱派生優選論；Harmonic Serialism，HS，McCarthy，2000，2010，2016）中的漸諧論（Serial Harmony，SH，McCarthy，2009，2011）為框架，分析福建境內五個閩方言點的材料，進而探討各閩語方言單音節鼻音分布的歧異性。方言代表點為：建甌（閩北）、福州（閩東）、莆田（莆仙）、廈門（閩南）及永安（閩中）。另外，在分析的過程中，亦針對其餘相關的方言現象（如輕濁輔音的對比性、韻尾音段類型、發音部位的對比）進行探討，比較各方言歧異之處，並透過制約排序來呈現當中的類型差異。
本文的分析更為SHARE([nasal])的內部細分（Lo & Chung，2015）提供支持，並提出再一步細分的必要（*ORAL-NASAL 及 *NASAL-ORAL），以藉由細分後的制約排序來解釋各地鼻音分布的差異。此外，福建南部的各方言（廈門、莆田及永安）基本上多無帶鼻元音的閉音節，體現出一個高排序的合取制約（*CODA &σ*Ṽ）。而閩中永安方言另有環境制約*Vŋ（馬秋武，2003），其影響力大排序最高，但其他方言中並未見其影響力。大體而言，閩方言的鼻音分布體現上述制約的限制。
另外，文中的討論亦針對MPARSE理論在串行優選論中的應用提出初步的假設。在共時的視角下，閩方言中有部分現象應視為「語言空缺」，因此本文套用MPARSE理論來解釋這些空缺。然而，MPARSE理論在串行優選論中的運作卻凸顯出理論與應用的缺口。為解決應用上的理論缺漏，本文假設了生產器GEN 有「處理與否」的自由權以及零輸出 的「空匯集」（vacuous convergence）。這些假設成功解決文中的分析應用，但仍須更進一步的理論驗證。整體就鼻音擴散的解釋力而言，本文呈現了漸諧論勝於既有理論之普遍優勢。

This thesis studies the tautosyllabic nasal patterns of five Min dialects in Fujian Province. Nasal segments in Min show a great diversity of concurrence patterns. Whether [nasal] spreads to adjacent segments varies in different dialects. However, previous literature on the current issue is scarce. To better understand the diverse patterns of nasal distribution in Min dialects, this study investigates five representative Min dialects within the framework of Serial Harmony (SH; McCarthy, 2009, 2011), a model of autosegmental spreading under Harmonic Serialism (McCarthy, 2000, 2010, 2016). The representative dialects are: Jian’ou (Northern Min), Fuzhou (Eastern Min), Putian (Puxian Min), Xiamen (Southern Min), and Yong’an (Central Min). In addition, relevant phonological issues such as voicing, coda segment type, and place contrast are explored. This thesis also compares the dialectal variations and attempts constraint-based typologies for the variations.
Specifically, this study supports the splitting of SHARE([nasal]) (Lo & Chung, 2015) and argues for a further splitting so that the diverse nasal distributions can be accounted for by the rankings of the newly split constraints *ORAL-NASAL and *NASAL-ORAL. Additionally, for southern varieties (Putian, Xiamen, and Yong’an) the prohibition on the co-occurrence of a coda and a nasal vowel motivates a high-ranking local conjunction constraint *CODA &σ*Ṽ. In Yong’an, the context-sensitive constraint *Vŋ (Ma, 2003) is highly active, the effect of which is not observed in other Min dialects.
In addition, preliminary implications are made pertaining to the application of the MPARSE theory in HS frameworks. Since several phenomena in the dialects are treated as gaps from a synchronic perspective, the MPARSE theory is adopted for an explanatory purpose. However, its application to HS analysis turned out problematic. To solve the seeming incompatibility, a “to-or-not-to process” version of GEN and the “vacuous convergence” of the null output are proposed. These assumptions have helped work out proper analysis in the present case study but are still in want of theoretical verification. In general, this study shows that Serial Harmony is superior to previous models of nasal spreading.

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