本篇研究以1883 年出版的《英廈辭典》為例，探討19 世紀的閩南語特色，並以詞彙、問句、借詞為三大主軸。該本辭典由傳教士麥嘉湖所編寫，除了收錄當時的用詞之外，還收錄了醫病問句於附錄。
該辭典大量收錄了屬人名詞，包含 -lâng 人，-peng 兵，-chhiú/siú 手，-kang/ kong
工，-thâu 頭，-sai/ su 師，-hu 夫，以及-kioh 腳等詞。其中， -lâng 人不但是使用頻率最高的，也是構詞規則最寬鬆的，這點與學者湯廷池(2009)的論點一致。再者，學者周長楫(1983)認為文白異讀會造成詞彙語意及構詞規則的不同，然而我們發現文白異讀在語意上確實有差異，但是構詞規則是有重複的可能。此外，這些屬人名詞大多都是偏正式構詞，且語義關係上大部分與主事([+theme])及工具([+instrument])有關。
我們也利用辭典附錄裡的問句討論句尾助詞 mah、bô 以及 bōe。學者連金發(2010)指出情態詞和否定詞是成對的關係，也就是說ū 與bô、 ē 與bōe 是對稱關係。我們也在問句中發現這樣的現象，這三個句尾助詞有各自配對的情態詞，因此本文使用「配對(matching)」一詞稱呼之。然而，我們注意到閩南語裡的配對(matching)並不是強制的，即使問句中使用非配對(non-matching)的情態詞，仍是合乎語法的。這點也符合了學者鄭禮珊等人(1997)所說的閩南語語法不太嚴謹。
該辭典中亦記錄了大量有關地名類的借詞。我們主要是根據 Haugen(1950)的分類方法以及周長楫(1983)所提到的借入方式將其分為三類:音譯外來詞、混合詞，以及混合仿譯詞。混合詞的部分則是融入了閩南語既有的詞彙 tāi「大」和 kok「國」。另外，這些地名類的借詞也能用來表示來自異域的人或事物，因此，我們認為這些借詞其實早就進入閩南語的詞彙系統。

This study aims to explore features of the Amoy dialect of the Southern Min ("SM") in the 19th century, and to do so we collected data from the English and Chinese Dictionary of the Amoy Dialect ("ECDAD"), a dictionary edited by missionary John Macgowan and published in 1883. The dictionary documented not only words, but also sentences in the appendix. Our study findings are based on lexical aspects, interrogative sentences, and loanwords.
First, we investigated the agentive nouns. Many were documented, such as -lâng 人 'human', -peng 兵 'soldier', -chhiú/siú 手 'hand', -kang/ kong 工 'labor', -thâu 頭 'head', -sai/ su 師 'master', -hu 夫 'man', -kioh 腳 'foot', and so on. Among them, -lâng 人 'human' was most frequently used and its formation rule was the least limited. This finding is in line with that of Tang (2009). Zhou (1983) suggested that literary-colloquial readings affect the meanings and word formation rules of a lexicon. However, we found that literary and colloquial readings do not necessarily cause the formation rules to be different. Moreover, most of the agentive nouns were modifier-head constructions. Regarding thematic relation, most of them were either [+theme] or [+instrument].
Next, we explored three interrogative particles from the appendix in ECDAD: mah, bô, and bōe. Lien (2010) pointed out that modals and the negative words are paired, that is, such as ū and bô as well as ē and bōe. Such a situation is also found from these interrogative sentences. These three interrogative particles pair with the fixed modals. Accordingly, we called "matching" in the study. However, we found that matching is not compulsory in SM grammar. Even though a "non-matching" modal was occurred in the sentence, it was still grammatical. Such a finding is consistent with Cheng et al. (1997).
Finally, we used place names from the ECDAD to investigate loanwords. Following Haugen (1950) and Zhou (1983), we classified loanwords as transliterated loanwords, loanblends, and hybrid loan translations. In the case of loanblends, the native elements refer to the lexicals tāi 大 or kok 國. Besides, we determined that these loanwords had entered the SM lexical system.

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