中國2013年提出「帶路倡議」在世界各地引發迴響。在歐洲，中國積極擴大經濟參與並試圖將其轉變為政治影響力。然而，歐盟擔心中國「帶路倡議」可能違背其基本價值，從而分裂歐盟的團結和凝聚力。為了因應地緣政治格局的變化，歐盟於2019年將中國定義為「合作夥伴、經濟競爭者和系統性對手」。然而，皆屬於歐盟成員國的義大利和匈牙利決定加入「帶路倡議」，儘管隨後義大利已於2023年退出，但反映出歐盟對中政策在實現一致性的共識方面面臨挑戰。換言之，歐盟成員國與歐盟對於「帶路倡議」缺乏團結的態度和立場。
本文主要探討義大利和匈牙利參與「帶路倡議」，前者決定選擇退出，而後者則主張繼續支持。我將解釋這兩個國家對「帶路倡議」的不同政策表現，從而評估歐盟及其成員國在中國外交政策的「一致性」差距。本研究採用小樣本的比較研究法，以義大利和匈牙利作為代表性案例，義大利和匈牙利都是民主國家，也是歐盟成員國，皆是歐盟共同規範框架之內。本研究追溯「帶路倡議」在國內三個領域實施的情況，包括華為5G、關鍵基礎設施和孔子學院。分析素材採用兩國官方文件和政策聲明，從五個方面檢視兩國在歐盟對中政策的回應，包括台灣政策、經濟「去風險化」、人權、高等教育合作及《歐盟條約》第七條程序等，進而評估兩國在歐盟對中政策的遵循情況。
本文透過國內和國際因素的分析，解釋兩個國家的不同政策表現。研究結果表明，匈牙利與歐盟在對中政策方面存在分歧，而義大利則與歐盟保持一致。在國內層面，匈牙利支持「帶路倡議」可歸因於匈牙利政府的權力集中，削弱了制度的制衡，讓執政黨在最小的阻力下推動「帶路倡議」的相關政策。相較之下，義大利國內的政治變化和政黨更迭，新執政聯盟調整了對「帶路倡議」的外交政策立場，並強化了與歐盟和美國的連結。在國際層面，匈牙利試圖利用與中國的關係作為抗衡歐盟的政治籌碼，效法中國的治理模式，並公開宣稱要建立「非自由民主國家」。相較之下，義大利是歐盟和G7的創始成員國，其傳統外交長期以來一直受到歐盟及其跨大西洋夥伴（美國）的影響。若繼續參與「帶路倡議」，將可能會損害義大利在歐盟和國際社會中的信譽，並導致其在歐盟共同外交與安全事務受到傳統盟友的孤立。最終，義大利於2023年退出「帶路倡議」的關鍵因素是義大利與中國在價值和利益上的根本分歧，這顯示義大利重申對歐盟基本價值和規範的承諾。

China’s launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013 has elicited diverse responses worldwide. In Europe, China is actively expanding its economic engagement and intends to translate it into political influence, a strategy perceived as challenging the EU’s solidarity and cohesion. Reflecting the shift in geopolitical dynamics, the EU in 2019 defined China as a partner, an economic competitor, and a systemic rival. Both Italy and Hungary are EU member states, and their initial decisions to join China’s BRI—despite Italy’s withdrawal from the initiative in 2023—underscore the persistent challenge of achieving coherence in the EU’s foreign policy toward China. This divergence highlights the lack of a solidarity stance among member states regarding China’s BRI.
This thesis primarily investigates Italy and Hungary’s engagement with the BRI, with the former deciding to withdraw and the latter advocating for its continuation. I will explain the divergent policy behaviors of these two countries toward the BRI, thereby assessing the coherence gap between the EU and its member states in their foreign policy toward China. This study employed a small-N comparative research design with Italy and Hungary as representative cases. Italy and Hungary are democracies and EU member states embedded in the EU’s common normative framework. This study traces the domestic implementation of the BRI in three sectors—Huawei 5G, Critical Infrastructure, and Confucius Institutes. Drawing on official documents and policy statements from both countries as source material, the analysis examines their response to the EU’s policy toward China across five dimensions— Taiwan policy, economic “de-risking”, human rights, higher-education collaboration, and Article 7 TEU proceedings—and assesses the extent to which they align with this policy.
The findings indicate that Hungary diverges from the EU’s foreign policy toward China, whereas Italy largely aligns with it. I analyze domestic and international factors to explain the divergent policy behaviors of these two countries toward the BRI. At the domestic level, Hungary supports China’s BRI and diverges from the EU. This can be explained by the centralization of power within its government, which has weakened institutional checks and balances and enabled the ruling party to advance BRI-related policies with minimal opposition. By contrast, Italy’s domestic political changes, and alternation in government, adjusted Italy’s foreign policy stance toward the BRI, reinforcing its alignment with the EU and the United States. At the International level, The Hungarian government seeks to leverage its relations with China as a political bargaining chip to counterbalance the EU, drawing lessons from China’s governance model and openly declaring the establishment of an “illiberal democracy.” By contrast, Italy is a founding member of the European Union and the G7. Its traditional diplomacy has long been shaped by the EU and its transatlantic alliance, particularly with the United States. Italy, if it continues participation, may risk undermining its credibility within the EU and the international community, while potentially leading to political isolation within the Union. Furthermore, a decisive factor behind Italy’s withdrawal from the BRI in 2023 was its fundamental divergence with China over values and interests, signaling a reaffirmation of its commitment to the EU’s fundamental values and norms.

一、中文
（一）專書
周 弘、蘇宏達，2018，《廿一世紀歐洲聯盟的對外關係》，臺北市:國立臺灣大學出版中心。
秦亞青，2021，《世界政治的關係理論》，北京：北京圖書出版社。
張台麟，2013，《歐洲聯盟推動建構共同對外政策的發展與挑戰》，臺北市:政治大學外國語文學院歐洲語文學系。
張登及，2003，〈建構中國：不確定世界中的大國定位與大國外交》，臺北市:揚智。
張登及，2022，〈新時代、新秩序：中國特色大國外交的概念、發展與前景〉，收錄於吳玉山、寇健文、王信賢主編，《一個人或一個時代: 習近平執政十週年的檢視》，台北：五南圖書出版股份有限公司。
黃瓊萩，2022，〈從關係平衡理論分析習近平政下的中國式多邊主義〉，收錄於 吳玉山、寇健文、王信賢主編，《一個人或一個時代: 習近平執政十週年的檢視》，台北：五南圖書出版股份有限公司。
蔡東杰，2020，《當代中國外交政策》，台北：五南圖書出版股份有限公司。

（二）期刊論文
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王宏仁，2018，〈中國「帶路計畫」影響中歐關係發展之探析〉，《國際與公共事務》，8：1-30。
包天民，2010，〈孟子與世界秩序理論〉，《國際政治科學》，3：32-50。
胡 勇，2023，〈經濟全球化的中國方案－「一帶一路」十周年〉，《海峽評論》，395：8-12。
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張孟仁，2018，〈中國大陸「一帶一路」倡議之效應與歐盟因應之道〉，《國際關係學報》，（46）：63-101。
張登及、 陳瑩羲，2012，〈朝貢體系再現與 [天下體系] 的興起? 中國外交的案例研究與理論反思〉，《中國大陸研究》，55（4）：89-123。
張 敏，2023，〈中國與南歐國家共建“一帶一路”的合作實踐與思考〉，《世界社會主義研究》，5：66-75。
楊三億，2022，〈歐盟全球門戶計畫的戰略規劃、挑戰與機遇。戰略安全研析〉，(172)：9-17。
薛健吾，2019，〈「一帶一路」的挑戰：國際合作理論與「一帶一路」在東南亞和南亞國家的實際運作經驗〉，《展望與探索月刊》，17（3）：63-87。
蘇卓馨，2021，〈歐盟規範性權力與歐中投資協定談判〉，《問題與研究》，60（4）：107-138。

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（四）研討會文章
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二、英文
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（二）期刊論文
Baark, Erik. 2019. “European Perspectives on the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative.” China: An International Journal 17(4): 76-95.
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（三）政府文件
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