本文的主要目的是從句法及語意層面來“VP1-來-VP2” 構式。首先基於論元分享原則將VP1-來-VP2構式分為三類。透過 “-了”測試找出三類構式中的主要謂語。接著，透過Tsai (2008,2009)疑問狀語的事件結構測試方法來了解在不同構式中VP1和VP2的關係。我們發現，出現在主格與受格共享的第一類構式中，其實是連續事件的結合，因為無論是VP1或是VP2都無法通過「使事性-為什麼」及「與事性-怎麼樣」的測試。第二類構式只表達一個事件，只可和內部狀語「與事性-怎麼樣」相容，謂語一和謂語二表達「工具-目的」的關係，在句法上位置是位於VP層次。第三類構式包含具有兩個事件論元，謂語一可通過「與事性-怎麼樣」的測試，但只有部分謂語二可通過表達目的「為了什麼」的測試。
本文也透過Levin 和 Rappaport Hovav (1998, 2005)的“謂語分解理論 (Predicate decomposition)”來了解事件一和“來-VP2”的關係。本文發現，狀態動詞分解成[ v BE at/on ]和表目的的“來”子句不相容，動態動詞中的非作格動詞 (Unergative)亦不相容。在第二類構句中 ，謂語一常帶著輕動詞[USE]，指派工具格給其論元，此類構句常常賓語前置。在第三構式中，謂語一常是達成動詞或完成動詞，因為帶著輕動詞[BECOME]的語意和表目的的“來”相容。最後，語意特徵目的性（telicity）和界線性（boundness）可用來區分中文目的片語「為了」及目的構式VP1-來-VP2之間的差異。

This thesis aims to investigate the construction VP1-lai-VP2 in terms of syntactic and semantic perspectives. Based on the argument sharing properties, we classify constituents into three subtypes. We first exert ‘le-suffixation’ to find out the main predicate of VP1-lai-VP2 constituent. Further, by applying the examination of Tsai (2008, 2009) wh-adverbial tests, we try to figure out the relation between two VPs. We argue that type I involving both subject and object sharing are in effect consecutive serial verb construction because VP1 and VP2 are unable to fit the substitution of either causality ‘weisheme’ or the comitativity ‘zenmeyang.’ Type II is compatible with the comitativity ‘zenmeyang’ substitution only. The examination illustrates that the VP1 of type II is actually a VP-layer attributive denoting instrument and the purposive meanings of the constituent. Type III contains two events. VP1 is able to be substituted by inner adverb zenmeyang, and only some of VP2 can be replaced with inner purposive adverbial weileshenme.
Further, we examine the relations between VP1 and lai-clause with regard to ‘Predicate decomposition’ from Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1998, 2005). We find out that when the VP1 is stative verb specified as [ v BE at/on ], it is not compatible to three types of lai-clause. Some of the dynamic verbs, among which unergative verbs are excluded, are in harmony with lai purposive clause. As for Type II, the predicate1 in is usually decomposed as light verb [USE] which assign [INSTRUMENT] theta role and it displays object-preposing properties. In type III, when VP1 are achievement or accomplishment verbs, carrying semantic feature [Change-of-State], they are congenial with lai purposive clause. Finally, semantic feature [telicity] and [boundness] explain the discrepancy between ‘weile’ purpose phrase and purposive VP1-lai-VP2 construction.

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