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研究生: 田中真希子
Tanaka, Makiko
論文名稱: 三至六歲中日雙語孩童塞音習得研究
Acquisition of stops by Mandarin-Japanese early bilingual children aged three to six
指導教授: 陳麗美
Chen, Li-Mei
學位類別: 博士
Doctor
系所名稱: 文學院 - 外國語文學系
Department of Foreign Languages and Literature
論文出版年: 2016
畢業學年度: 104
語文別: 英文
論文頁數: 133
中文關鍵詞: 早期雙語孩童嗓音起始時間日語塞音中文塞音
外文關鍵詞: early bilingual children, VOT, Japanese stops, Mandarin stops
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  • 本研究探討在南台灣成長的中日雙語孩童日文中文字首塞音的習得。在調查過3-6歲的雙語孩童對日文中文塞音的嗓音起始時間(Voice Onset Time: VOT)及基本頻率後,有以下幾項重要發現:(1)各個年齡層均可以分辨日文塞音 (/d/, /g/, /t/, /k/) 及中文塞音(/p/, /t/, /k/, /ph/, /th/, /kh/) 在發音位置及發音方式的不同。(2)無論是短延遲或短前置的嗓音起始時,日文清音的基本頻率值高於日文濁音;因此,日文塞音的基本頻率可做為額外的聲音信號,以區分日文的對照塞音。(3)大部分的孩童在五歲以後,都學習了日文及中文的所有目標塞音,有些孩童早在三歲時,便可以發出日文的濁音塞音及中文的送氣塞音。(4)在兩種語言中觀察到的錯誤,顯示出其中混合了特定孩童模式(如清音化及去氣音化),與特定語言的系統(如日文的齒槽後置音及擦塞音,中文的雙唇後置音及起首輔音弱化)以及對語言的影響(如日文的氣音中文的濁音),也顯示出個別的差異性(如六歲男孩發出的軟顎前置音)。 (5)相較於以日文為母語的雙親,他們在日文清音塞音的嗓音起始時間較長,而比起以中文為母語的雙親,他們在中文送氣塞音的嗓音起始時間也明顯較多。(6)他們在兩種語言中,仍維持嗓音起始時間三類範疇的發音對比, (a)日文濁音塞音/中文不送氣塞音 (b)日文清音塞音,及 (c)中文送氣塞音。由語音學習、發音特色(VOT和f0)和取代模式所得來的兩個參數,其結果更證實了一個概念,也就是早期雙語孩童建立獨特的日文中文語音系統,並對兩種語言都產生跨語言的影響。這項研究的結果能使雙語孩童語音表現更容易理解。本研究也可做為新的敍述參考資料,為言語治療師及病理學家記錄雙語兒童的發音發展。本研究為派多羅果斯(paidologos)計劃(針對語音體系發展的大型跨語言調查)的一部分。

    This study investigated the acquisition of word-initial Japanese and Mandarin stops produced by Mandarin-Japanese bilingual children who have grown up in southern Taiwan. Examination of Japanese and Mandarin stop VOT and f0 by the bilingual children aged three to six years old revealed several important findings: (1) They were able to discriminate Japanese stops (/d/, /g/, /t/, /k/) and Mandarin stops (/p/, /t/, /k/, /ph/, /th/, /kh/) in terms of place of articulation and manner of articulation across ages.(2) The f0 values in the transcribed Japanese voiceless stops were higher than those of the transcribed Japanese voiced stops regardless of whether the VOT was with short lag or short lead; as such, f0 in Japanese stops could take a role of an additional acoustic cue in differentiating the stop contrast in Japanese. (3) They mostly acquired all Japanese and Mandarin target stops after the age of five, and some children were able to produce prevoicing in Japanese voiced stops and aspiration in Mandarin aspirated stops as young as three years old. (4) Error patterns observed in each language revealed the mixture of child-specific patterns (i.e. devoicing and deaspiration), language specific systems (i.e. alveolar backing and affrication in Japanese and bilabial backing and initial consonant weakening in Mandarin) and language influence (i.e. aspiration in Japanese and voicing in Mandarin) as well as the individual differences (e.g. velar fronting produced by a six-year-old boy). (5) They had longer VOT values in voiceless Japanese stops compared to their native Japanese parents while VOT of their aspirated Mandarin stops was significantly greater than that produced by their native Mandarin parents. (6) They maintained phonetic contrast among three VOT categories in their two languages, (a) voiced stops in Japanese/unaspirated stops in Mandarin, (b) voiceless stops in Japanese, and (c) aspirated stops in Mandarin. The results in both parameters of phonological acquisition, phonetic features (VOT and f0) and substitution patterns, lend credibility to the idea that the early bilingual children develop distinct Japanese and Mandarin phonetic systems, while showing cross-linguistic influence in each language. The findings of this study could provide better understanding of the phonological representation in early bilinguals. This study also contributes new descriptive reference materials documenting the phonological development of bilingual children for speech therapists or pathologists. This study is part of the paidologos project (a large cross-linguistic investigation of phonological development).

    Table of Contents Abstract (Chinese) i Abstract (English) ii Acknowledgments iii List of Tables vii List of Figures xi Chapter 1: Introduction 1 1.1 Background of the study 1 1.2 Theoretical background for the study of bilinguals 2 1.3 Research questions 5 Chapter 2: Literature Review 8 2.1 Speech production system 8 2.1.1 Stop consonants in languages of the world 8 2.1.2 The voicing contrast in stops in the world’s languages 10 2.1.3 The voicing contrast in Japanese and Mandarin 11 2.2 Measurement issues 15 2.2.1 Articulatory and aerodynamic correlates 15 2.2.2 Acoustic properties of word-initial Mandarin stops 17 2.2.3 Acoustic properties of word-initial Japanese stops 19 2.3 Acquisition patterns observed across languages 21 2.3.1 Language universals of stop acquisition 22 2.3.2 Language specificity of stop acquisition 25 2.3.3 Error patterns associated with stop productions 28 2.3.4 Bilingual acquisition of stops 30 Chapter 3: Methodology 35 3.1 Participants 35 3.1.1 Bilingual language background 36 3.2 Materials 42 3.3 Procedures 48 3.4 Data analysis 49 3.5 Transcription 50 3.6 Phoneme acquisition 50 3.7 Voice onset time (VOT) analysis 51 3.8 Fundamental frequency (f0) analysis 53 3.9 Statistical analysis 54 Chapter 4: Results 56 4.1 Japanese stops 56 4.1.1 Voice onset time (VOT) 56 4.1.2 Fundamental frequency (f0) 60 4.1.3 Japanese stop acquisition patterns 63 4.1.4 Japanese parents’ native VOT production in comparison with that of the bilingual children 65 4.1.5 Japanese parents’ native f0 production in comparison with that of the bilingual children 72 4.2 Mandarin stops 74 4.2.1 Voice onset time (VOT) 74 4.2.2 Fundamental frequency (f0) 78 4.2.3 Mandarin stop acquisition patterns 82 4.2.4 Mandarin parents’ native VOT production in comparison with that of the bilingual children 84 4.2.5 Mandarin parents’ native f0 production in comparison with that of the bilingual children 90 4.3 Cross-linguistic comparison 93 4.3.1 VOT 93 4.3.2 Fundamental frequency (f0) 96 4.3.3 Mandarin-Japanese early bilingual stop acquisition patterns 99 Chapter 5: Discussion 103 5.1 Mandarin-Japanese early bilingual production of Japanese stops 103 5.1.1 Early bilingual production of Japanese stop contrast 103 5.1.2 Early bilingual Japanese stop acquisition pattern 104 5.1.3 Comparison between bilingual children and their Japanese parents 106 5.2 Mandarin-Japanese early bilingual production of Mandarin stops 108 5.2.1 Early bilingual production of Mandarin stop contrast 108 5.2.2 Early bilingual Mandarin stop acquisition patterns 109 5.2.3 Comparison between bilingual children and their Mandarin parents 112 5.3 Cross-linguistic influence 113 5.3.1 Cross-linguistic influence on early bilingual stop contrast 113 5.3.2 Cross-linguistic influence on early bilingual stop acquisition 115 Chapter 6: Conclusion 116 6.1 Summary and theoretical consideration 116 6.2 Contribution 120 6.3 Future research 121 References 122 Appendix 128

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